Hong Kong Policy Act of 2024
A BILL
To update the United States policy towards Hong Kong, and for other purposes.
Sec. 2 Definitions
Sec. 3 Findings
“101. Findings
“Congress finds the following:
“(1) The passage and implementation of this Act in 1992 reflected an expectation that the People’s Republic of China would faithfully adhere to the conditions set forth between the Governments of the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China in the Joint Declaration, which declared that Hong Kong would enjoy “a high degree of autonomy” under the principle of “one country, two systems” of the People’s Republic of China, for 50 years after the transfer of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the People’s Republic of China in 1997.
“(2) The Government of the People’s Republic of China, in the lead-up to the 1997 transfer of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the People’s Republic of China, did not consult Hong Kongers on the conditions for the transfer of sovereignty, did not provide Hong Kongers the ability to decide the future of Hong Kong, and continues to deny Hong Kongers the free exercise of human rights as protected under international law.
“(3) Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 1 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights provide, and Article 2 of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples states, that “all peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”.
“(4) Despite the rights and freedoms for Hong Kong delineated in the Joint Declaration and in the Basic Law, the Government of the People’s Republic of China has repeatedly undermined the autonomy of the Government of Hong Kong since the transfer of Hong Kong in 1997, including through actions that have resulted in widespread political protests in Hong Kong.
“(5) On June 30, 2020, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China enacted the National Security Law, which provided a legal pretext to drastically reduce the autonomy of Hong Kong and led to widespread repression by Hong Kong authorities.
“(6) The National Security Law has eroded the rights and freedoms promised to the people in Hong Kong under the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law, including freedoms of speech, assembly, and the press.
“(7) Since the passage of the National Security Law—
“(A) hundreds of pro-democracy activists, lawmakers, and journalists have been arrested;
“(B) civil society organizations have been disbanded;
“(C) independent media outlets have closed; and
“(D) academic freedoms and an independent judiciary in Hong Kong have been eroded.
“(8) Forty-seven individuals (commonly known as the “Hong Kong 47”), including Joshua Wong and Gwyneth Ho, are facing politically motivated charges of “conspiracy to commit subversion” after holding an unofficial primary election in 2020, less than 2 weeks after the National Security Law came into effect, and 14 of these individuals were found guilty on May 30, 2024, in a judicial proceeding that lacked independence, and now face prison terms ranging from 3 years to life.
“(9) Jimmy Lai, a 76-year old Hong Kong pro-democracy advocate and media entrepreneur, has been subjected to multiple prosecutions for his peaceful activities, has spent approximately 4 years in prison, has been sentenced to more than 5 years of imprisonment under politically motivated fraud charges, and is awaiting a verdict on additional charges of “collusion with foreign forces” and “sedition”, which could carry a sentence of life in prison.
“(10) The Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Government of Hong Kong are—
“(A) using the National Security Law to pursue acts of transnational repression against members of Hong Kong diaspora communities outside of Hong Kong; and
“(B) harassing, threatening, and placing extraterritorial bounties on Hong Kong and non-Hong Kong residents, including a United States citizen, for their courageous advocacy for the rights and freedoms of people in Hong Kong.
“(11) On March 19, 2024, despite widespread opposition from the international community, civil society, and other stakeholders in Hong Kong, and after a limited period of “public consultation” for the legislation, the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region passed legislation to implement Article 23, the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance, which grants authorities in Hong Kong additional powers to further curtail civil rights and freedoms, establishes severe penalties, including life imprisonment, for vaguely defined offenses, and creates risks for Hong Kong residents who interact with foreigners.
“(12) The Safeguarding National Security Ordinance—
“(A) includes other offenses such as “external interference” and “state secrets”, which could create risks for multinational companies and international groups operating in Hong Kong;
“(B) in combination with the ongoing implementation of the National Security Law, likely will have a further chilling effect on a wide range of individuals and organizations in Hong Kong, including civil society representatives, independent journalists, pro-democracy lawmakers, entrepreneurs, businesses, and others; and
“(C) has already been applied by Hong Kong authorities to target Hong Kongers for peacefully expressing their views, including Chow Hang-tung, who was arrested on May 28, 2024, for alleged seditious social media posts related to the commemoration of the Tiananmen Square massacre.
“(13) Annually since 2020, the Secretary of State has certified that Hong Kong does not warrant treatment under United States law in the same manner as United States laws were applied to Hong Kong before July 1, 1997.
“(14) Despite the commitments made by the People's Republic of China in the Joint Declaration, the People’s Republic of China has declared that the “legal basis for the Chinese government’s governance of Hong Kong is China’s constitution and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, not the Sino-British Joint Declaration”.
“(15) The People’s Republic of China and the Government of Hong Kong continue to insist that they are implementing the “one country, two systems” framework and the Basic Law.
“(16) During a June 2017 press conference, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China referred to the Joint Declaration as a “historical document that no longer has any realistic meaning”.
“(17) During a February 2024 press briefing, in response to criticism from the United Kingdom regarding the undermining of the autonomy of Hong Kong by the People's Republic of China, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China stated that the Joint Declaration “by no means put the UK in a position or gave it any right to interfere in Hong Kong affairs. Second, one of the principles that guide the legislation on Article 23 of the Basic Law is to respect and protect human rights”.”
Sec. 4 Sense of Congress
“102. Sense of Congress
“It is the sense of Congress that—
“(1) this Act, which has faithfully guided United States policy toward Hong Kong for more than 3 decades, was originally predicated on the Government of the People’s Republic of China upholding its commitments with respect to Hong Kong, such that the Government of Hong Kong—
“(A) maintained sufficient autonomy from the Government of the People's Republic of China in managing affairs within Hong Kong; and
“(B) safeguarded the democratic rights, culture, and unique way of life of the people of Hong Kong, including through adherence to the rule of law and the maintenance of a credible, independent judicial system;
“(2) the commitments made under the Joint Declaration, and by extension “one country, two systems” and the Basic Law, have been abrogated by the Government of the People’s Republic of China to the point that such commitments are no longer advancing autonomy, democratic institutions, or the protection of human rights for the people in Hong Kong;
“(3) United States policy towards Hong Kong should be updated with a new policy framework that protects United States national security interests and is centered on the people in Hong Kong, including their aspirations, their human rights and well-being, and their desire for autonomy and a democratic system of government in Hong Kong;
“(4) with the undermining of the autonomy of Hong Kong, and widespread repression and violations of the human rights of Hong Kongers, the Government of the People’s Republic of China has demonstrated that it will blatantly violate or misconstrue its own constitution and laws, and international law, to justify its human rights abuses and “rule by law” approach and seek to exercise absolute control over the population of Hong Kong, as it does within mainland China;
“(5) the United States and the international community should develop policies towards Hong Kong that offer unwavering support for people in Hong Kong, including support for the human rights of Hong Kongers and the autonomy of Hong Kong;
“(6) United States policy toward Hong Kong should include support to prisoners of conscience, activists fighting for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong, Hong Kong residents wishing to emigrate from the repressive environment in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong diaspora communities;
“(7) United States policy toward Hong Kong should recognize that the actions of the People’s Republic of China in Hong Kong are emblematic of the larger efforts of the People’s Republic of China to reshape international institutions and norms, especially institutions and norms related to human rights, and to advance a new global order that has at its foundation the authoritarian model of “non-interference” of the People’s Republic of China, which authoritarian states use to justify violating the human rights of their citizens and, when advantageous for the strategic interests of the state, the citizens of other states, with impunity; and
“(8) the United States should intensify efforts to collaborate with partners and allies to highlight the violations of the human rights of Hong Kongers and the autonomy of Hong Kong by the Governments of the People’s Republic of China and Hong Kong, and empower the voices of Hong Kongers seeking to advance their fundamental freedoms and aspirations, democratic institutions in Hong Kong, and the ability of Hong Kongers to have a say in the Government of Hong Kong.”
Sec. 5 Statement of policy
“103. Statement of policy
“It is the policy of the United States—
“(1) that Hong Kong should no longer be afforded special privileges separate from the People’s Republic of China under United States law;
“(2) that the people of Hong Kong should have the ability to nominate and elect the leaders of their choice and should be empowered to advance the human rights and democratic ambitions of Hong Kongers;
“(3) to encourage the immediate and unconditional release of the Hong Kong 47, Jimmy Lai, Chow Hang-tung, and all other prisoners of conscience in Hong Kong;
“(4) to promote accountability using all available diplomatic and economic tools, including sanctions, for human rights violations by the Government of the People’s Republic of China against people in Hong Kong;
“(5) to work with United States partners and allies to apply multilateral pressure on the People’s Republic of China to protect the human rights of people in Hong Kong and the autonomy of Hong Kong, and to ensure the ability of Hong Kongers to have a say in the Government of Hong Kong;
“(6) to support people in Hong Kong and Hong Kong diaspora communities with initiatives that promote human rights and democracy in Hong Kong and by providing humanitarian relief for Hong Kongers fleeing repression; and
“(7) to provide timely, accurate, and easily accessible guidance regarding the risks to United States citizens, businesses, and other organizations working or operating in Hong Kong.”
Sec. 6 Application of United States law to Hong Kong
“(a) In general—The laws of the United States shall apply with respect to Hong Kong in the same manner as the laws of the United States are applied to the People’s Republic of China, including with respect to the following statutes:
“(1) the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 et seq.);
“(2) section 721(m) of the Defense Production Act of 1950, as amended (50 U.S.C. 4565(m));
“(3) the Export Control Reform Act of 2018 (50 U.S.C. 4801 et seq.); and
“(4) section 1304 of title 19, United States Code.”
“(a) Differential treatment—Notwithstanding section 201, the President may, on a case-by-case basis and after submitting to the appropriate congressional committees a certification that such action is in the national security interest of the United States, extend differential treatment to Hong Kong than that which is given to the People’s Republic of China under the laws of the United States”
Sec. 7 Supporting human rights and civilian security in Hong Kong
Sec. 8 Supporting internet freedom in Hong Kong
Sec. 9 Report on requests from the Government of Hong Kong to United States entities for content takedowns or law enforcement assistance
Sec. 10 Strategy for United States engagement with Hong Kong
Sec. 11 Separate part of country reports
Sec. 12 Secretary of State certification report regarding the status of Hong Kong
“205. Secretary of State report regarding the status of Hong Kong
“(a) Report
“(1) In general—The Secretary of State, not later than one year after the effective date of section 12 of the Hong Kong Policy Act of 2024 and annually thereafter, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Commerce, and the heads of such other Federal agencies as the Secretary of State considers appropriate, shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report that addresses the status of—
“(A) sanctions and export control violations within the Hong Kong SAR;
“(B) official and unofficial United States-Hong Kong cultural, education, scientific, and academic exchanges;
“(C) human rights in Hong Kong, including freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, including the internet, and other rights enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, done at Paris December 10, 1948, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, done at New York December 19, 1966;
“(D) judicial and prosecutorial independence;
“(E) police and security functions, including the role of security agencies from mainland China and the extent of coordination between the Hong Kong Police and security agencies from mainland China;
“(F) the implementation of the National Security Law and Article 23 of the Basic Law, and any other laws or regulations regarding treason, secession, sedition, collusion with “foreign forces”, theft of state secrets, or subversion against the People’s Republic of China;
“(G) laws or regulations regarding foreign non-governmental, civil society, or media organizations;
“(H) Hong Kong’s participation in multilateral forums and bodies; and
“(I) specific actions taken by the United States Government within the reporting year in relation to—
“(i) the People’s Republic of China and Hong Kong government’s human rights abuses in Hong Kong and transnational repression against Hong Kongers globally;
“(ii) support and advocacy on behalf of political prisoners in Hong Kong;
“(iii) humanitarian and other support, including immigration pathways, for Hong Kongers fleeing repression in Hong Kong or otherwise emigrating from Hong Kong;
“(iv) sanctions and export control violations within the Hong Kong SAR; and
“(v) any failure to fulfill obligations to the United States under international agreements identified in this report.
“(2) Justification and recommendation required—If the Secretary of State determines that Hong Kong has regained sufficient autonomy to warrant consideration for treatment under United States law distinct from that applied to mainland China, then the report required by paragraph (1) shall include—
“(A) a detailed justification for such determination; and
“(B) a recommendation to Congress to reconsider the treatment of Hong Kong under United States law, including a recommendation regarding reinstatement of some or all of the differential treatment or status that had been afforded to Hong Kong under this Act (as in effect on the day before the date of the enactment of the Hong Kong Policy Act of 2024).”
Sec. 13 Reporting on risks to United States citizens and businesses in Hong Kong
Sec. 14 Extension of authorities to impose sanctions under the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act
Sec. 15 Treatment of Hong Kong applications for visas to study or work in the United States
“(a) In general—The laws of the United States pertaining to the issuance of visas, immigration, and application for entry to the United States shall continue to apply to Hong Kong, and to natives and residents of Hong Kong, in the same manner as such laws were applied to Hong Kong, and to natives and residents of Hong Kong, prior to the date of the enactment of the Hong Kong Policy Act of 2024.
“(b) Consistency with Immigration and Nationality Act—Hong Kong residents shall be treated as a separate foreign state from the People’s Republic of China for the purposes of visas to visit or reside permanently in the United States, so long as such treatment is consistent with the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
“(c) Visa eligibility for certain Hong Kong students—Notwithstanding any other provision of law—
“(1) applications for visas to enter, study, or work in the United States, which are submitted by otherwise qualified applicants who resided in Hong Kong in 2014 and later, may not be denied primarily on the basis of the applicant’s subjection to politically motivated arrest, detention, or other adverse government action; and
“(2) an applicant’s prior subjection to politically motivated arrest, detention, or other adverse government action may not be considered as a primary factor in evaluating the applicant’s immigrant intent.”