Congress finds the following:
(1)
The 2004 Venezuelan Law on Social Responsibility of Radio and Television gives the government the authority to control radio and television content.
(2)
According to the Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012 for Venezuela, “The following human rights problems were reported by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the media, and in some cases the government itself: unlawful killings, including summary killings by rogue police elements; torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment; inadequate juvenile detention centers; arbitrary arrests and detentions; corruption and impunity in police forces; political prisoners; interference with privacy rights; corruption at all levels of government; threats against domestic NGOs; violence against women; anti-Semitism in the official media; trafficking in persons; violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity; and restrictions on workers’ right of association.”.
(3)
In December 2010, the Venezuelan Congress passed the Law on Political Sovereignty and National Self-Determination, which threatens sanctions against any “political organization” that receives foreign funding or hosts foreign visitors who criticize the government.
(4)
According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Report of 2012 on Venezuela, “Politicization of the judicial branch has increased under Chávez, and high courts generally do not rule against the government.”.
(5)
According to the Department of State’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012 for Venezuela, “The principal human rights abuses reported during the year included corruption, inefficiency, and politicization in the judicial system; government actions to impede freedom of expression; and harsh and life-threatening prison conditions. The government harassed and intimidated privately owned television stations, other media outlets, and journalists throughout the year, using threats, fines, property seizures, targeted regulations, and criminal investigations and prosecutions. The government did not respect judicial independence or permit judges to act according to the law without fear of retaliation. The government used the judiciary to intimidate and selectively prosecute political, union, business, and civil society leaders who were critical of government policies or actions. Failure to provide for due process rights, physical safety, and humane conditions for inmates contributed to widespread violence, riots, injuries, and deaths in prisons.”.
(6)
According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Report of 2012 on Nicaragua, “The press has faced increased political and judicial harassment since 2007, as the Ortega administration engages in systematic efforts to obstruct and discredit media critics. Journalists have received death threats, and some have been killed in recent years, with a number of attacks attributed to FSLN sympathizers.”.
(7)
According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Report of 2012 on Nicaragua, “Nicaragua’s political rights rating declined from 4 to 5 due to shortcomings regarding the constitutionality of Daniel Ortega’s presidential candidacy, reported irregularities, and the absence of transparency throughout the electoral process, and the Supreme electoral Tribunal’s apparent lack of neutrality.”.
(8)
According to the Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012 for Nicaragua, “The principal human rights abuses were restrictions on citizens’ right to vote, including significantly biased policies to promote single party dominance, and withholding of accreditation from election-monitoring nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); widespread corruption, including in the police, CSE, Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ), and other government organs; and societal violence, particularly against women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons. Additional significant human rights abuses included police abuse of suspects during arrest and detention; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary and lengthy pretrial detention; erosion of freedom of speech and press, including government intimidation and harassment of journalists and independent media; government harassment and intimidation of NGOs; trafficking in persons; discrimination against ethnic minorities and indigenous persons and communities; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities; discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS; and violations of trade union rights.”.
(9)
According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Report of 2012 on Ecuador, “In February 2011, Guayaquil’s leading newspaper, El Universo, published an opinion column suggesting that Correa could be held accountable in the future for the use of lethal force during the rescue operation. In response, Correa lodged a lawsuit against the author and the owners of the newspaper. All four defendants were found guilty of aggravated defamation and sentenced in July to three-year prison sentences and an unprecedented fine of $40 million. International human rights and press freedom organizations, along with the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United Nations, denounced the court decision as a clear effort to intimidate the press.”.
(10)
Freedom House gave Ecuador a “downward trend arrow” in 2012 due to “the government’s intensified campaign against opposition leaders and intimidation of journalists, its excessive use of public resources to influence a national referendum, and the unconstitutional restructuring of the judiciary.”.
(11)
According to the Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012 for Ecuador, “The main human rights abuses were the use of excessive force by public security forces, restrictions on freedom of speech, press, and association; and corruption by officials. President Correa and his administration continued verbal and legal attacks against the media and used legal mechanisms such as libel laws and administrative regulations to suppress freedom of the press. Corruption was widespread, and questions continued regarding transparency within the judicial sector, despite attempts at procedural reform. The following human rights problems continued: isolated unlawful killings, poor prison conditions, arbitrary arrest and detention, abuses by security forces, a high number of pretrial detainees, and delays and denial of due process within the judicial system. Societal problems continued, including physical aggression against journalists; violence against women; discrimination against women, indigenous persons, Afro-Ecuadorians, and persons based on their sexual orientation; trafficking in persons and exploitation of minors; and child labor.”.
(12)
According to the Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012 for Bolivia, “The most serious human rights problems included arbitrary arrest or detention, denial of a fair and timely public trial, and violence against women. Additional human rights problems included harsh prison conditions, restrictions on freedom of speech and press, official corruption in the judiciary and elsewhere, lack of government transparency, trafficking in persons, and vigilante justice. Societal discrimination continued against women; members of racial and ethnic minority groups; indigenous persons; individuals with disabilities; lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons; and those with HIV/AIDS.”.
(13)
According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Report of 2012 on Bolivia, “Corruption remains a major problem in Bolivia, affecting a range of government entities and economic sectors, including extractive industries.”.
(14)
According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Report of 2012 on Bolivia, “In July 2011, Morales signed a new telecommunications law requiring that state-run media control 33 percent of all broadcast licenses. Press freedom advocates welcomed the idea of expanding media access to new groups, but expressed fears that local and indigenous outlets would lack the financial resources to operate independently and could fall under government control. The law also allows the government to access any private communication, including e-mail and telephone calls, for reasons of “national security” or any other emergency.”.
(15)
Mr. Jacob Ostreicher, who has been detained in the notorious Palmasola prison in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia, since June 4, 2011, is one of the United States citizens who currently is enduring multiple, egregious, and continuous violations of his fundamental due process and human rights under both local and international law.